The Core Dispute: Power Centers in UPA
Former Congress President Sonia Gandhi, in her recently released memoir 'Belonging: A Journey of Love', has vehemently rejected accusations that she was the true power behind Dr. Manmohan Singh's government during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) years (2004-2014). This denial reignites a long-standing debate, directly countering claims made by her former media adviser, Sanjaya Baru, in his controversial 2014 book, 'The Accidental Prime Minister'.
Gandhi's Account: An "Unspoken Division"
Gandhi’s memoir describes an "unspoken division of responsibility" that she claims worked seamlessly: Dr. Manmohan Singh managed the government, while she oversaw the party. She dismisses reports of "two power centers" as a "rash of stories" propagated by those around the Prime Minister. Gandhi particularly refutes allegations that she sent for files from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), interfered with administrative matters, or dictated key appointments, calling such fabrications "malicious and totally false". She stresses her strict adherence to rules, especially during her tenure as UPA Chairperson.
Baru's Perspective: Delegated Power, Not Authority
Sanjaya Baru, who served as Dr. Singh's media adviser from 2004 to 2008, presents a starkly different picture. In his book, he asserts that while Dr. Singh was delegated power, he was not granted full authority. Baru writes that the Prime Minister never questioned Sonia Gandhi's right, as party president, to influence portfolio allocations. However, he notes that over time, Dr. Singh became more vocal with his opinions, which Gandhi sometimes accepted.
Specific Instances of Influence
Ministerial Appointments and Loyalty
Baru details how ministerial positions were often secured not just by competence but also by political clout or loyalty to the party leader. He observed that for many Congress Members of Parliament (MPs), loyalty was primarily directed towards Sonia Gandhi, not the Prime Minister. As an example, Baru recounts an instance in 2005 where he suggested to Dr. Singh that Jairam Ramesh should demonstrate loyalty to the PM to secure a ministerial berth. Despite this, Ramesh was inducted into the commerce ministry in January 2006, reportedly thanking Sonia Gandhi's friend for the position. Baru claims Ramesh's subsequent actions, including leaking a cautionary letter from Sonia Gandhi to the PM, further illustrated his primary allegiance.
PMO Control and Key Liaisons
According to Baru, Sonia Gandhi ensured a degree of control over the government by placing trusted aides in the PMO. Pulok Chatterjee, inducted into the PMO at Gandhi's behest, allegedly held regular, almost daily meetings with her to brief her on policy issues and seek instructions on important files awaiting the PM's clearance. Ahmed Patel served as the crucial political link between Gandhi and Dr. Singh, frequently visiting South Block to lobby for party members' inclusion on public enterprise and nationalized bank boards. Baru notes that an increase in Patel's visits often signaled an impending Cabinet reshuffle, with Patel carrying lists of names to be included or dropped from the council of ministers.
The "Whitener" Incident
Baru vividly describes an event where Patel arrived at 7 RCR (the Prime Minister's residence) just minutes before Dr. Singh's letter to the President, listing new ministers, was to be dispatched. To accommodate a new name, likely from Sonia Gandhi, the existing letter was modified by applying "whitener" over one name, and the new name was typed in. This led to Andhra MP Subbirami Reddy being inducted into the ministry in January 2006, replacing Harish Rawat from Uttarakhand.
The "Accidental Prime Minister" Dynamic
Baru views the creation of the National Advisory Council (NAC) in June 2004, which Gandhi chaired, as the first overt sign that her "renunciation" of the Prime Minister's post was more of a political tactic than a higher calling. He argues that while Gandhi chose not to lead the government, she retained ultimate authority. Baru suggests that her early decisions, such as attempting to appoint a principal secretary of her choosing and placing Pulok Chatterjee in the PMO, aimed at maintaining control over government functions and policy. He concludes that in the UPA years, the arrangement meant that credit for government successes often went to Sonia Gandhi, while any blame for failures typically fell on Dr. Manmohan Singh. The Prime Minister, according to Baru, never shied away from this reality, sometimes confessing to allies that he did not have the final say, describing himself as an "accidental prime minister" and stating that "the buck stopped with Sonia."